As Muslim-majority nations, Middle Powers, and members of the Global South, both countries actively participate in organizations, such as the OIC and the D-8, where their religious identity often informs their rhetoric.
President Prabowo’s ardent advocacy for Muslim unity at the D-8 summit exemplifies this trend.
On another occasion, President Erdoğan referenced “Islamic civilization” to justify an open-door policy for Syrian refugees, an action that dates back to the 2015 humanitarian crisis.
While religious solidarity is frequently voiced, a crucial opportunity exists to translate this sentiment into concrete action, particularly in addressing the protracted refugee transit challenges faced by both nations.
To move beyond mere pronouncements, focused humanitarian-development cooperation is imperative, both bilaterally and multilaterally, alongside efforts in conflict resolution and peace-building to address the root causes of displacement.
The civil war in Syria and the ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya in Myanmar have driven massive refugee flows to and through Türkiye and Indonesia, respectively.
These crises underscore the significant roles both nations play in their regions. Türkiye, a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol, hosts the largest number of refugees globally, with approximately 3.175 million refugees and 159 thousand asylum seekers, primarily Syrians, but also including Afghans and Iraqis.
Initially, Türkiye’s open-door policy was ad hoc but has evolved into a regulated system under the Law on Foreigners and International Protection (LIFP) and the Temporary Protection (TP) Regulation, along with the establishment of the Directorate General of Migration Management (DGMM).
While providing access to services and work permits, Türkiye has encountered economic pressures and sought increased international aid.
Indonesia, despite not ratifying the 1951 Refugee Convention, hosts 11,735 refugees, predominantly Afghans, Rohingyas, and Somalis.
Its proactive engagement through Presidential Regulation No. 125 of 2016, though commendable compared to regional peers, is hindered by a weak regulatory framework, insufficient funding, and coordination challenges.
The Indonesian national government delegates authority to UNHCR and IOM for all refugee matters. However, in practice, it often involves subnational entities to handle initial settlement and other technical matters without a clear funding mechanism despite the Ministry of Finance's having claimed willingness to provide the fiscal budget.
Refugees in Indonesia heavily rely on fluctuating funding, primarily from Australia via IOM. Immigration laws prohibit refugees from working, trapping them in a state of limbo.
The experiences of both nations reveal that humanitarian crises extend far beyond initial arrivals, manifesting in protracted transit situations where refugees endure exile for over five years.
Both countries face the challenge of providing not just protection but also opportunities for refugees to thrive amid economic constraints.
A robust framework for bilateral and multilateral collaboration is essential. Bilaterally, the DGMM and Indonesia’s National Task Force can exchange knowledge on migration policy development, with an emphasis on human rights and social cohesion.
Sharing best practices between hosting cities like Istanbul and Makassar and joint learning initiatives facilitated by UNHCR and IOM are crucial.
Multilaterally, Türkiye and Indonesia should advocate for equitable burden-sharing while addressing the root causes of displacement, leveraging platforms such as the Global Compact for Refugees (GCR), OIC, and D-8.
However, critiques of GCR’s neoliberal approach necessitate exploring alternative models grounded in economic dualism and/or Islamic ethics, emphasizing protection, social justice, equitable wealth distribution, and community well-being.
The UNHCR Zakat Fund and the latest D-8’s focus on youth and small business empowerment offer avenues for this.
Geopolitical realities challenge this collaboration. Both nations navigate the complexities of global politics, where humanitarian efforts are intertwined with national interests.
Türkiye has strategically utilized its refugee population as a foreign policy tool to secure political and financial incentives from the EU. Indonesia balances its humanitarian stance with national sovereignty, particularly regarding Australia’s extraterritorial border control policies.
Despite differing scales of refugee populations, both nations grapple with implementing sustainable policies.
Türkiye’s approach is largely unilateral and transactional, while Indonesia adopts a multilateral and cooperative approach within ASEAN. Yet, both face the persistent disparity between stated goals and practical realities.
Türkiye and Indonesia are uniquely positioned to lead a powerful, integrated approach to refugee advocacy. By combining South-South and Islamic world cooperation, they can amplify marginalized voices.
South-South partnerships facilitate resource exchange, while cooperation among Islamic nations can foster ethical collaboration that transcends rhetorical religious solidarity.
This combined strategy challenges the disproportionate burden on developing nations.
In navigating refugee governance, Türkiye and Indonesia can forge an exemplary partnership. Türkiye’s experience can strengthen Indonesia’s institutional capacity, while Indonesia’s multilateral diplomacy prowess can complement Türkiye’s strategies.
By committing to a robust humanitarian-development nexus, these middle powers can demonstrate equitable and sustainable refugee policies guided by ethical principles rather than mere realpolitik.
Indonesia’s upcoming participation in Türkiye’s Antalya Diplomacy Forum presents a timely opportunity to introduce this humanitarian diplomacy and realize the potential for collaborative action.
*) Hana Naufanita is alumni of Middle East and Islamic Studies, Universitas Indonesia, and Salwa Azzahra is Master's Student of International Relations, Uludag University Türkiye.
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